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Few social science theories have a history of conceptual and empirical study as long as does the diffusion of innovations. The robustness of this theory derives from the many disciplines and fields of study in which diffusion has been studied, from the international richness of these studies, and from the variety of new ideas, practices, programs, and technologies that have been the objects of diffusion research. Early theorizing from the beginning of the 20th century was gradually displaced by post hoc empirical research that described and explained diffusion processes. By the 1950s, diffusion researchers had begun to apply the collective knowledge learned about naturalistic diffusion in tests of process interventions to affect the spread of innovations. Now, this purposive objective has given form to a science of dissemination in which evidence-based practices are designed a priori not just to result in internal validity but to increase the likelihood that external validity and diffusion both are more likely to result. Here, I review diffusion theory and focus on seven concepts—intervention attributes, intervention clusters, demonstration projects, societal sectors, reinforcing contextual conditions, opinion leadership, and intervention adaptation—with potential for accelerating the spread of evidence-based practices, programs, and policies in the field of social work.

Analysis of 381 questions from 42 surveys on acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) conducted in the US from 1981 to 1987 by 13 organizations indicates that: (1) the mass media agenda set the polling agenda for the issue of AIDS, & (2) the way in which the AIDS issue was portrayed in the mass media influenced the way in which survey questions addressed the issue of AIDs. Details of the relationship between the media & polling agendas are discussed. 2 Tables, 9 Figures, 26 References. Modified AA

Social marketing strategies are deployed in social change campaigns around the world. Yet the usefulness of social marketing strategies to affect behavior change among unique population members is not well known. Social marketing is efficient and cost-effective when a campaign targets a sufficiently large audience so as to achieve economies of scale. Unique population groups, however, typically consist of few members. How can efficiency be achieved with small target audiences? To solve this conundrum we suggest that certain social marketing strategies (environmental mapping, formative evaluation, interpersonal communication channels, and the nonmonetary costs of adoption) should be emphasized, and others (program management and target audience segmentation) deemphasized, in program design. We use examples drawn from a recent study of HIV prevention programs in San Francisco to illustrate this point.

This article examined the extent to which residents living in the Midland–Saginaw–Bay City area in Eastern Michigan felt stigmatized due to industrial contamination. Seventy in-depth interviews were conducted with local residents, focusing on the extent to which they experienced three aspects of stigma—affective, cognitive, and behavioral. Results indicated that although some participants were not concerned with living in a contaminated community, local residents largely perceived dioxin as a risk to individual health and the local environment. Concern, shock, and irritation were typical affective responses at the time participants learned of the contamination. Several participants indicated a feeling of embarrassment and fear of being rejected by others because of the stigma associated with industrial contamination. Instead of actively seeking information about dioxin contamination and remediation, participants often relied on information provided to them by government officials. Behaviorally, participants avoided eating locally caught fish and prepared fish more carefully in order to avoid exposure to contaminants. As a whole, this study provided insight to understand affective, cognitive, and behavioral responses to environmental stigma.